Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad: The Malaysian social contract

Saturday, 12 July 2008 02:47pm
by Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad

1. Before there was Malaya and Malaysia the peninsular was known as Tanah Melayu, or Malay Land.

2. Saying this alone would result in accusations of being racist.

3. But I need to go back in history if I am going to be able to explain about Malaysia's social contract.

4. Through treaties signed by the Rulers of the Malay States of the Peninsular the British acquired the right to rule the Malay States. These treaties obviously recognised and legitimised the States as Malay States. No one disputed this. Even the aborigines accepted this as shown by their submission to the rule of the Malay Sultans.

5. Initially the peoples living in the States were divided into indigenous Malays and aborigines who were subjects of the Malay rulers and foreign guests who were not subjects of the rulers. There were no citizenship or documents about citizenship status as in most countries.

6. The foreign guests prospered in the British ruled Malay States and in the British colonies of Penang, Malacca and Singapore. The Malay subjects of the Rulers and the Rulers themselves did not feel threatened by the numbers of these non-Malays and the disparities between the general wealth and progress of the foreign guests and the subjects of the Rulers. They did not think that the foreigners who had settled in the country would ever demand citizenship rights.

7. When Japan conquered the Malay States and the colonies of the Straits Settlements, the Chinese felt insecure as the Japanese were their historical enemies.

8. Many Chinese formed and joined guerilla forces and disappeared into the jungle. When Japan surrendered the Chinese guerillas came out and seized many police stations in the interior and declared that they were the rulers of the country. They seized many people, Chinese and Malays and executed a number of them.

9. Malay villagers retaliated by killing the Chinese in the rural areas. Tension rose and a Sino-Malay war was only averted because of the arrival of British forces. But the ill feeling and animosity between the two races remained high.

10. It was in this tensed situation that the British proposed the Malayan Union which would give the "guests" the right of citizenship as indistinguishable from that of the Malays.

11. The Malays rejected the Malayan Union and its citizenship proposal. They forced the British to return to the status quo ante in a new Federation of Malaya.

12. Only Chinese who were British subjects in the colonies of the Straits Settlements were eligible to become citizens in this new Federation. Naturally the Malay citizens far outnumbered the Chinese Malayan citizens.

13. Chinese leaders appealed to the British, who then persuaded the UMNO President, Dato Onn Jaafar to propose to open UMNO to all races. This proposal was rejected by the other UMNO leaders and Dato Onn had to resign.

14. The British kept up the pressure for the Malays to be more liberal with citizenship for non-Malays.

15. Tunku Abdul Rahman, the President of UMNO decided on a coalition with MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress). In the 1955 elections to the Federal Legislative Assembly, since there were very few constituencies with Chinese or Indian majorities, the MCA and MIC partners had to put up candidates in Malay majority constituencies after UMNO undertook not to contest in these constituencies but to support MCA Chinese and MIC Indian candidates instead.

16. Such was the support of the Malays for the MCA and MIC alliance candidates that they won even against Malay candidates from PAS. The MCA and MIC candidates all won. Only UMNO lost one constituency against PAS.

17. The Tunku as Chief Minister of a self-governing Federation of Malaya then decided to go for independence. The British continued to inisist on citizenship rights for the Chinese and Indians as a condition for giving independence.

18. To overcome British resistance to independence and to gain the support of the Chinese and Indians, the Tunku decided to give one million citizenship to the two communities based purely on residence. One notable new citizen was (Tun) Leong Yew Koh, a former general in the Chinese National Army who was later appointed Governor of Malacca.

19. It was at this stage that the leaders of the three communal parties who had formed the Government of self-governing British Federation of Malaya, discussed and reached agreement on the relationship between the three communities in an independent Federation of Malaya.

20. It was to be a quid pro quo arrangement. In exchange for the one million citizenships the non-Malays must recognise the special position of the Malays as the indigenous people. Certain laws such as the pre-eminence of Islam as the state religion, the preservation of Malay reserve land, the position of the Malay Rulers and Malay customs and the distribution of Government jobs were included in the understanding.

21. On the question of national language it was agreed that Malay would be the national language. English should be the second language. The Chinese and Indians could continue to use their own languages but not in official communication.

22. Chinese and Tamil primary schools can use their languages as teaching media. They can also be used in secondary schools but these have to be private schools.

23. For their part the Chinese and Indian leaders representing their parties and communities demanded that their citizenship should be a right which could not be annulled, that they should retain their language, religion and culture, that as citizens they should have political rights as accorded to all citizens.

24. Much of these agreements and understandings are reflected in the Federal Constitution of Independent Malaya. For everything that is accorded the Malays, there is always a provision for non-Malays. Few ever mention this fact. The only thing that attracts everyone's attention and made a subject of dispute is what is accorded the Malays and other indigenous people.

25. Thus although Malay is to be the National Language, Chinese and Tamil can be used freely and in the Chinese and Tamil schools. In no other country has there been a similar provision. Even the most liberal countries do not have this constitutional guarantee.

26. The national language is to be learnt by everyone so that Malayan citizens can communicate with each other everywhere.

27. It was understood also that the Chinese language referred in the understanding were the Chinese dialects spoken in Malaysia, not the national language of China. Similarly for Malayan Indians the language was Tamil, not Hindi or Urdu or whatever became the national language of India. However, the Chinese educationists later insisted that the Chinese language must be the national language of China i.e. Mandarin.

28. The official religion is Islam but other religions may be practised by their adherents without any restriction. As the official religion, Islam would receive Government support. Nothing was said about support for the other religions. The non-Malays did not press this point and the Federal Constitution does not mention Government support for the other religions. Nevertheless such support have been given.

29. A quota was fixed for the Malayan Civil Service wherein the Malays would get four posts for every one given to Chinese or Indians. However it was recognised that the professional post would be open to all races as it was never thought possible there would be enough Malays to take up these posts.

30. The result was that in the early years of independence there were more non-Malays in Division 1 than Malays.

31. The Agong or the Rulers of the States should determine quotas of scholarships and licences for Malays. But no one should be deprived of whatever permits or licences in order to give to Bumiputras.

32. The position of the Malay Rulers was entrenched and could not be challenged. There would be a Paramount Ruler chosen from among the nine Rulers who would serve for five years.

33. The rulers were to be constitutional rulers. Executive power was to be exercised by elected Menteris Besar, Ketua Menteri (Chief Minister) and Prime Minister, assisted by members of councils and cabinets. The British practice was to be the model.

34. The most important understanding was the adoption of Parliamentary Democracy with a Constitutional Monarch, again after the United Kingdom model. It should be remembered that the British imposed an authoritarian colonial Government on the Malay State, the power resting with the Colonial Office in London.

35. Before these the Malay States were feudal with the Malay Rulers enjoying near absolute power. Only the elites played a role in State politics. The Malay subjects had no political rights at all. Certainly the guests had no say in politics. Even the Chinese and Indian British citizens had no say though they may be appointed as Municipal or Legislative Councillors.

36. The decision to adopt a democratic system of Government was a radical step in the governance of the Federation of Malaya and of the Malay States. This was agreed to by the leaders of the three major communities as represented by their political parties i.e. UMNO, MCA and MIC. There can be no doubt that these parties represented the vast majority of the three communities in Malaya. The Communists and the other leftists did not signify their agreement to the understanding.

37. The Reid Commission was briefed on all these agreements and understanding so that they will be reflected in the Constitution to be drawn up. All the three parties approved this Constitution after several amendments were made. In effect the Constitution became a contract binding on all the three communities in the Federation of Malaya upon attaining independence in 1957.

38. When Sabah and Sarawak joined the Peninsular States to form Malaysia the social contract was extended to the two Borneo States. The natives of Sabah and Sarawak were given the same status as the Malays. At this time the word Bumiputra was introduced to distinguish the indigenous Malays and Sabah, Sarawak natives from those descendants of foreign immigrants. Because Malay was widely used in the Borneo States there was no difficulty in the acceptance of Malay as the national language. The fact that the natives of the two states are not all Muslims necessitated no change in the Constitution once the word Bumiputra was accepted. But the official definition of a Malay remained.

39. The embodiment of the social contract is therefore the Constitution of first, the Federation of Malaya and then Malaysia.

40. To say it does not exist is to deny the contents of the Constitution which was based upon the acceptance by the leaders of the three communities of the original social contract.

41. All subsequent actions by the Government were the results of this social contract. The fact that the initiators of this social contract and their successors were endorsed by the people in every election reflects the undertaking of the people to honour this social contract.

42. Saying that the social contract does not exist is like saying that Malaysia exists in a vacuum, without a Constitution and laws based on this Constitution.

43. Implementing the social contract requires understanding of its spirit as much as the letter. The social contract is aimed at creating a multi-racial nation that is stable and harmonious. Any factor which would cause instability and result in confrontation between the races must be regarded as incompatible with the spirit of the social contract.

44. For 50 years no one seriously questioned the social contract. Even today the majority of Chinese and Indians and the indigenous Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak accept the social contract. But because Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi basically lost the 2008 election and now heads a weak Government the extremists and erstwhile detractors have questioned the social contract. The Bar Council has now become a political party believing that its expertise in law will exempt it from being questioned as to its credentials and its political objectives.45. Abdullah's UMNO is incapable of countering any attack on the social contract. If anything untoward happens Abdullah and UMNO must bear responsibility.

Beza ketuanan Melayu dan ketuanan rakyat

Saturday, 31 May 2008 08:12am
©Utusan Malaysia
Oleh Mohamad Khir Toyo

KEBELAKANGAN ini sudah timbul polemik mengenai ketuanan Melayu. Saya tertanya-tanya, apakah salah dan hina ketuanan Melayu jika ia tidak pun menindas orang lain, apatah lagi merampas harta benda dan hak orang bukan Melayu sebagai penduduk negara ini.Jika isu ketuanan Melayu yang menjadi masalah kepada orang muda dari kaum Cina dan India, maka kita perlu menerangkan asas mengapa ketuanan Melayu itu menjadi salah satu perjuangan UMNO. Malahan sebahagian orang muda Melayu sendiri hari ini sudah tidak faham makna ketuanan Melayu.

Ketuanan Melayu bukanlah untuk menjadikan Melayu ini Tuan dan bukan Melayu sebagai Hamba. Sebaliknya Ketuanan Melayu bermaksud atau simbol kedudukan Sultan-Sultan Melayu sebagai tunggak negara yang menjaga kepentingan agama Islam, adat istiadat Melayu dan Bahasa Melayu.Sebab itu apabila para pemimpin kita dahulu memutuskan perjuangan mempertahankan ketuanan Melayu adalah untuk mempertahankan kedudukan kesultanan Melayu, agama Islam, adat istiadat orang Melayu dan Bahasa Melayu.

Hanya kerana generasi hari ini tidak memahami makna dan maksud ketuanan Melayu bukan bermakna ia tidak lagi relevan. Apakah hanya kerana ia dijadikan isu bagi menunjukkan UMNO sebuah parti perkauman, maka kita mahu lari dari tuduhan dengan menukar arah perjuangan kita.Tidak ada salah dengan kenyataan atau laungan mempertahankan ketuanan Melayu sekiranya kita memberi kefahaman yang tepat kepada orang ramai. Mempertahankan ketuanan Melayu merupakan mempertahankan asas-asas Perlembagaan Negara. Apakah perlembagaan negara merupakan sebuah perlembagaan yang berunsur perkauman?Ketuanan Melayu tidak pernah menindas bangsa lain atau menjadikan bangsa lain sebagai hamba. Selama berpuluh tahun UMNO membawa perjuangan ketuanan Melayu tidak ada satu bangsa pun yang ditindas atau menjadi hamba.Saya melihat begitu ramai orang bukan Melayu yang menikmati kemajuan pesat negara, malah dalam banyak keadaan kaum bukan Melayu meraih kek ekonomi yang lebih besar berbanding orang Melayu.Masalah kita hari ini, terdapat pemimpin UMNO sendiri tidak memahami erti ketuanan Melayu yang dilaung-laungkan.

Ada yang merasakan mereka menjadi tuan sehingga lupa maksud asal ketuanan Melayu.TekananBagi memberi tekanan kepada UMNO, ada kumpulan tertentu yang memperkenalkan pula slogan ketuanan rakyat. Apakah makna ketuanan rakyat tiada siapa yang tahu. Jika kita katakan ketuanan rakyat ini sebagai menjadikan rakyat sebagai tuan, apakah kita nampak ia dilakukan di negeri-negeri yang diperintah oleh kumpulan ini? Sehingga hari ini kita belum nampak rakyat menjadi tuan di negeri-negeri ini.Saya melihat ketuanan rakyat ini merupakan satu usaha meruntuhkan asas-asas Perlembagaan Malaysia yang kita pertahankan dalam perjuangan Ketuanan Melayu.Apakah yang ingin diruntuhkan melalui slogan ketuanan rakyat? Pada hemat saya ketuanan rakyat ini akan cuba menjadikan negara ini sebagai sebuah negara republik. Perkara ini boleh berlaku bila mana institusi beraja akan dinafikan atau dicabar haknya dalam isu-isu agama Islam.Sekarang ini sudah nampak usaha-usaha meletakkan Islam setaraf dengan agama-agama lain. Kuasa sultan-sultan juga sedang dicabar oleh mereka yang tidak pun terbabit dalam pentadbiran negeri dan negara.

Mereka juga mendesak kerajaan agar merombak kuasa pelantikan hakim-hakim oleh Majlis Raja-raja Melayu.Apakah erti segala usaha mencabar segala struktur Perlembagaan ini? Apakah sudah wujud agenda untuk menjadikan negara ini sebagai republik melalui slogan ketuanan rakyat? Bukankah idea-idea ini merupakan usaha mencabar kedudukan Raja-raja sebagai custodian agama Islam dan orang Melayu?Dengan runtuhnya sistem beraja, maka kedudukan agama Islam akan hanya setaraf dengan agama lain, hak-hak istimewa orang Melayu yang termaktub dalam perlembagaan juga akan turut terkubur bersama matinya sistem beraja di negara kita. Begitu juga nasib yang akan menimpa bahasa Melayu. Ini semua akan berlaku dan jadilah negara kita sebagai sebuah negara republik yang tidak mempunyai agama rasmi, tidak mempunyai hak istimewa orang Melayu dan tidak mendaulatkan bangsa Melayu.

Saya tidak tahu sama ada rakyat Malaysia terutamanya orang Melayu akan membiarkan perkara ini terjadi. Sebenarnya perkara yang sama telah pun berlaku di negara jiran kita Singapura.Orang Melayu mesti sedar apakah di sebalik gagasan idea ketuanan rakyat ini.Saya bimbang jika ini berlaku akan tercetus kejadian yang akan merosakkan hubungan harmoni di antara kaum yang telah terjalin hasil dari rundingan yang dilakukan di antara tiga kaum ketika merdeka.Jangan sudah terhantuk baru tergadah. Bangsa Melayu yang tergadai akan hilang pertimbangan dan pada ketika itu emosi akan mendepani perjuangan. Tindakan yang akan diambil merupakan tindakan di luar jangkaan.

Orang Melayu bila terus diasak sehingga tiada ruang untuk bergerak, mereka akan mengambil tindakan walaupun mungkin tidak akan menguntungkan negara.BelajarRakyat Malaysia perlu belajar daripada apa yang berlaku di negara Balkan seperti Bosnia, Serbia dan Croatia bila mana masalah kaum dan agama menjadi pemisah dan pencetus kepada peperangan.Janganlah kerana kita memikirkan untung yang sedikit tetapi akhirnya rugi seumur hidup. Biarlah kita dilihat rugi sedikit hari ini tapi hidup aman hingga akhir hayat.

Ideologi ketuanan rakyat akan membawa satu fenomena yang amat berbahaya kepada negara kita. Saya masih berpandangan orang Melayu tidak akan merelakan raja mereka dinafikan haknya, ketuanan Melayu tidak diberi tempat, agama Islam tidak menjadi agama rasmi negara lagi. Bagi orang Melayu Islam itu agama mereka dan mesti menjadi agama rasmi negara. Raja dijunjung demi mempertahankan agama Islam.Akhirnya saya mengharapkan kepada seluruh rakyat Malaysia berfikir untuk maju tanpa mengorbankan sejarah dan pusaka bangsa kita. Perjuangan UMNO adalah untuk mempertahankan sejarah dan pusaka kita.Kedudukan Raja-raja Melayu, hak orang Melayu, agama Islam dan bahasa Melayu akan terus menjadi tunjang perjuangan ini. Walau apa pun yang diperkatakan, UMNO perlu menegakkan perjuangan ini. "Patah sayap bertongkatkan paruh, namun gunung tetap didaki"

KELAB 153 GROUP OBJECTIVE

To promote the cognizance of the relevancy and supremacy of the Malaysian Federal Constitution in its totality, with special focus on Article 153 and matters related towards nurturing Parliamentary Democracy, National Unity, Racial Harmony and Good Governance for all Malaysians by organizing, sponsoring or outsourcing the following:-

a) research and advocation (pleas) towards promulgation of legal policies and issue management;

b) dissemination to all Malaysians as regards their constitutional rights through publication and propogation of information;

c) enrichment and enhancement of knowledge and perception with regards to constitutional and legal affairs through relevant courses and training;

d) exchange of ideas and expertise through dialogues, seminars, conferences, meetings, study visits, institutional collaboration and other networking events; and

e) create awareness of the rights and special position as entrenched in the Federal Constitution by encouraging writing, inter communications and intellectual intercourses.

FROM THE MALAYSIAN BAR WEBSITE

Resolusi diserah kepada Sultan Johor
Monday, 05 May 2008 07:09am
• Kontrak sosial paksi kuasa Melayu
• Usaha martabat kedaulatan ketuanan Melayu perlu jujur

©Berita Harian (Digunakan dengan kebenaran)

JOHOR BAHRU: Sultan Johor, Sultan Iskandar semalam berkenan menerima menghadap ahli jawatankuasa penganjur Kongres Permuafakatan Melayu di Istana Bukit Serene, di sini dan menerima resolusi yang dihasilkan pada akhir kongres dua hari itu.

Rombongan diketuai Ketua Satu Gabungan Persatuan Penulis Nasional Malaysia (Gapena), Tan Sri Prof Dr Ismail Hussein bersama lima ahli jawatankuasa, dibenar menyampaikan resolusi itu, termasuk piagam dan ikrar bangsa Melayu kepada Sultan Iskandar kira-kira jam 12.30 tengah hari.

Ismail pada sidang media sebelum itu, berkata beliau yang mewakili bangsa Melayu berharap Sultan Iskandar dapat membawa resolusi dan tuntutannya kepada perhatian semua Sultan dan Raja menerusi Majlis Raja-Raja.

“Saya yakin dengan adanya campur tangan Majlis Raja-Raja, resolusi itu signifikan dan boleh dikemukakan terus kepada parti pemerintah yang mempunyai kuasa eksekutif bagi melaksanakannya.

"Kita berharap resolusi kongres ini dapat sampai kepada semua pihak berkepentingan. Kita juga akan menghantar resolusi ini kepada semua parti politik Melayu, tanpa mengira ia pemerintah atau pembangkang," katanya.

Kongres itu yang bermula Jumaat lalu dihadiri 2,100 peserta mewakili 200 badan bukan kerajaan (BBK) Melayu di seluruh negara. Turut dibentangkan empat kertas kerja menyentuh isu kedaulatan politik Melayu, Perlembagaan Malaysia, kedaulatan agama, budaya dan pendidikan serta ekonomi Melayu.

Ismail berkata, kongres juga sepakat untuk menubuhkan sebuah sekretariat tetap yang dinamakan Majlis Muafakat Melayu Malaysia (MPMM) bertujuan memperjuangkan resolusi dalam mempertahankan kedaulatan Melayu.

"Penubuhan majlis ini berlaku kerana Umno dan Pas yang mewakili parti politik Melayu sudah menjadi parti nasional menyebabkan mereka tidak lagi boleh memberi tumpuan kepada orang Melayu. Namun, hasrat kami di sini bukan bersifat perkauman," katanya.


Comments (4)

Doesn't The Constitution Protect Malays?
written by Annou Xavier, 05 May, 2008 at 04:52 pm

Post 8.3.2008 tsunami, we now have a growing trend of apartheid in Malaysia with more and more Malay groups forming some what of a coalition to uphold Malay sovereignty.

1. Is this necessary when Article 8 Federal Constitution states "...all persons are equal before the law and entitled to the equal protection of the law...".

2. Our forefathers, who assisted the Reid Commission in the drafting of the Constitution, agreed that Malays shall have special position in Malaya in terms of rights, land ownership. This is entrenched in Article 153 which states the Yang Dipertuan Agong is responsible to safeguard the special positions of the Malays...

So my question is, doesn't the constipated Constitution protect the Malay rights after all??

Annou Xavier

ITS INDEED ENTRENCHED...
written by Nik Elin Zurina Bt Nik Abdul Rashid, 05 May, 2008 at 07:53 pm

Yes Annou, it is very clear that the constitution has entrenched protection of the Malay special position. And until the constitution is amended, Malay special position is here to stay, irrespective of all other races objections.

In reply to YOUR constipated question, although the Malay special position has been deeply entrenched and guaranteed in the Federal Constitution, there are STILL people who CHOOSE to question that Malay special position, thus requiring the Malays to group together to ensure that that special position is not forgotten. Our forefathers (yours and mine) had INDEED agreed that Malays shall have THAT special position.

In all honesty, Annou, I am a firm believer of equal rights for all irrespective of race, religion, faith or creed. I don't believe that any human being has a better right than another human being. I subscribe to that notion. The only thing that sets us apart is how much faith we have in the Almighty. For as long as you don't steal, rob, kill, rape, etc, you are every bit entitled to what you have worked for.

But I would leave what has been deeply entrenched in the constitution unquestioned.

As such, if someone chooses to question that "simple" special position, then I would quickly stand up to protect it as I am protecting the supremacy of the Federal Constitution and the Malay special position which is still relevant.

I believe that the orang asli's who have been here in Malaya, or whatever name this place was called then, since time immemorial, have more rights to this land than me.

According to my lineage through http://pesaka.net my forefathers were of Thai, Chinese, Turkish origin mixed together with my Malay blood (my maternal grandfather looks very much an Indian, my maternal grandmother looks every bit an Arab, my father looks very Chinese, my children look Siamese). This is due to the centuries of cross cultural inter racial marriages. I very much would encourage this. I know that religion is a constraint for you.

Perhaps Annou, we should encourage more non Malays to marry natives from Sabah and Sarawak, so that one need not have to change religion, which would make the children Bumiputras too, and have equal special position and protection.

Because soon, very soon, the Bangladeshi's, Indonesians, Myanmar are going to flood Malaysia and ask for the same position, priviledge that you are now asking us Malays to let go of.

Nik Elin Zurina Bt Nik Abdul Rashid

WE BECOME MORE RESILIENT...
written by Nik Elin Zurina Bt Nik Abdul Rashid, 05 May, 2008 at 07:58 pm

Oh forgot to add.

The more challenges that a Malay faces, the more resilient and stronger we Malays become to stand united together to protect the Constitution and hence our race.

So we have every bit to thank you for that.

Nik Elin Zurina Bt Nik Abdul Rashid

The Malay origin...
written by Nik Elin Zurina Bt Nik Abdul Rashid, 05 May, 2008 at 08:20 pm

From a page of my family website...
at
http://pesaka.net/viewtopic.php?f=19&t=331&p=8984#p8984

what my late uncle, Nik Mohamed Nik Abdul Majid wrote,

"Since the Indians and the Chinese were renowned travellers in the olden days I would postulate that the Malays were a product of the union of this two races. If you have friends that have parents from this two races (interracial marriages) you will see that they have a distinct Melayu look."

"Thats a thought. The product of this mixed marriage produces more beautiful offsprings. However, the Law of Check and Balance applies. We Melayus are generally dumber than either of the two. The coming of Arabs later on, further complicate matters. They impose strict new rules upon us."

Nik Elin Zurina Bt Nik Abdul Rashid